1992-extended present: divergent intentions and realizations in the Alps
- enus mazzoni
- 7 mag
- Tempo di lettura: 19 min
"The Alps are characterized and dominated mentally, in the head, by images elaborated by foreigners.” Werner Batzing

Intermittence ...connected spaces and sociality... I found a slim publication that collected some interviews with elderly villagers where they talk about customs and professions that had animated their life and that of the village. The booklet was dated 1992, more than 30 years ago, written testimony of the declaration of intent to give up that economic and social model, which had been the value of the Valley, moving on to suggestions, models, absolutely known (nothing new in short) and that for more than three centuries have manipulated the Alpine mountain making it functional to the citizens who fill the space of the holiday village, the time of playgrounds and naturalistic parks.
today and yesterday



the invented mountain
1.1. invention: an imaginary mechanism
«There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio,
Than are conceived in your philosophy».
[William Shakespeare, Hamlet]
«[...] it can be said that the imaginary has an
extremely important role in the structuring of
everyday life. Appearance, in all its forms,
constitutes the foundation of multiple situations and
social acts. From clothing to housing,
passing through the ways of meeting, without
forgetting the fantastic everyday, the present
expresses itself, represents itself, deceives itself with different
and colorful faces. [...] It is true, one day we will have to
question ourselves more systematically about the method that
the social image follows in its meanders and
its intrigues, but for the moment we can recognize
with E. Morin that it “is the radical and
simultaneous constitutive act of the real and the imaginary”».
[Michel Maffesoli, The conquéte du present]

imaginary, imagination, symbolization, mechanisms that construct reality
Our hypothesis is that invention is a mechanism closely linked to the functioning of the imaginary, that is, linked to that device that Gilbert Durand defines as «an obligatory connector through which every human representation is constituted».
The imaginary could therefore be thought of as a connector, a dynamic system, composed of various parts, capable of organizing and integrating images that take on sense and meaning precisely on the basis of the relationships they establish between them.
The French philosopher Gaston Bachelard, «Imagination [...] invents new life; invents new spirit; opens eyes that have new possibilities of vision [...] The freshness of a landscape is a way of looking at it. Naturally, the landscape must add a little of its own, it must have a little greenery and a little water, but it is the imagination [...] that has the most
tiring task».
And again: «It is claimed that imagination is the faculty of forming images....rather, it is the faculty of deforming the images provided by perception, it is above all the faculty of freeing ourselves from primitive images, of changing images. If there is no change of image, unexpected union of images, there is no imagination, there is no imaginative action. If a present image does not evoke an absent image, if an occasional image does not generate a prodigality of aberrant images, an explosion of images, there is no imagination [...]. The fundamental term that corresponds to imagination is not image, but the imaginary»
Imagination is accompanied by another structure of the imaginary, another of its
tools: symbolization. Durand always states that: «Every human thought is representation, that is, it passes through symbolic articulations. [...] there is no solution of continuity in man between the imaginary and the symbolic».
In short, in our opinion, the imaginary is a rather sophisticated mechanism formed by various mechanisms integrated with each other, or equipped with a multiplicity
of tools; among these we recall those just mentioned, imagination and symbolization, but also others such as ritualization, mythification, sacralization, the identity mechanism, knowledge, nostalgia, miniaturization and, precisely, invention.
This last tool, in our opinion, represents a specific way of operating of the imaginary, through which it proceeds to the systematization, organization and integration of a set of heterogeneous symbolic elements within a complex and autonomous,
perfectly functioning system.
It is an extremely complex mechanism that we could define as second level, in the sense that it operates with already constructed and stored symbolic representations and reductions. The process of invention assembles them, integrates them within articulated systems, generating new connections and new relations between them, activating previously unknown meanings.
The functions of this new machine, of this unheard-of invention, which
we call «reality», can be divided, evoking the classification of Robert K. Merton, into manifest functions, such as for example productivity, modernization, globalization and into latent functions such as the metabolization and control of reality, its “sociabilization” necessary for the very psychic survival of individuals.
1.2. The mountain.
To use Bachelard's terminology, we could say that in broad terms the images of the mountain produced between the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 19th century emanate two different imaginary auras. On the one hand, we find a congeries of images linked to the power and fragility of the Alpine environment, to fear and
dismay, to gloom and danger, to violence and inhumanity, to solitude and silence, to collapses and vertigo, to ruins and eternal ices; in short, a cursed part with a lugubrious aura of loss, of transience, of annihilation: a regime of images of the abyss; on the other
side, instead, purity, beauty, originality, healthiness, the challenge with oneself, the educational and repairing nature that is a barrier to the ills of society, the noble savage mountain man, authenticity, freedom, simplicity: visions anchored to a celestial aura, of verticality and absolute height, an ascensional regime.
Our hypothesis is that the process of inventing the mountain at a certain point began to select, organize and integrate predominantly the images belonging to one of the two constellations and more precisely to the second type, the one linked to the ascending regime. From a socio-anthropological point of view we could define this game as a total social fact since it can be traced back to a constellation of "more or less fixed ways of doing things" that have imposed themselves on individuals from outside their existence, influencing their actions, thoughts and emotions. In some ways it is similar to any other natural or physical phenomenon that forces non-specific behaviors, precise adjustments, constraining the movements, displacements and choices of individuals.

It has managed to set in motion the entirety of society, that is, every nerve ending, every dimension: from the economic to the political, from the organizational to the legislative, from the structural to the aesthetic.
In fact, starting from it, a particular «reality» was born, a society and a sociality that developed between the cities and the Alpine peaks.
Alpinism has led to the composition of groups and circles, to the formalization of new organizations (the national and regional Alpine Clubs), to the clarification of programs and activities, to the designation of roles, tasks and missions; to the discovery or design of communication routes for horizontal and vertical movement (paths and tracks that lead to the peaks, cableways, funiculars, chairlifts, etc.), to the construction of new residential structures in the high mountains (large hotels, lodges, refuges, bivouacs, trenches, forts, second homes, villages) and to the inauguration of a particular economic system that has dismantled and replaced the previous one.
It contributed to the formation of a geopolitical system extending to the ridges of the highest peaks in Europe and even to the triggering of an altitude war; to the crystallization of a shared ethic ({the rules for practicing the mountain, the ethics of the mountaineer), to the definition of norms, statutes, laws for the regulation of social relations at altitude, to the definition of an aesthetic production (painting, literature, studies, documentaries, photography, cinema) and, naturally, to the diffusion of new images of the mountain and renewed interpretations of mountaineering itself.

B. Crettaz also writes: «Since the discovery of the mountain in the 18th century,
following those macro-social phenomena that are the development of communications, the introduction of the modern economy, the first modernizations, secularism, the implementation of the tourist economy, the mountain progressively crumbles of its ancient structures.
Thus a stock is formed made up of residues, fragments of collapses of previous
cultures. This treasure is essentially made up of the following elements: remains of the ancient agricultural economy with land, livestock, rural communities; [...] remains of the ancient system of the seasonal cycle, of the system of traditional festivals and
rituals; remains of ancient objects replaced by objects from the city, but with their partial conservation; remains of the old architecture of villages and small cities; remains of the ancient life and mentality of villages.
Furthermore, an imaginary mechanism fundamental to every community:
nostalgia.
In our opinion, it is not only a vague and indeterminate feeling, it is a sort of switch and amplifier of reality, whose task is to attribute to certain remains (events, memories, images, objects, fragments, etc.) a surplus of connotation, sense, meaning. It enhances the intrinsic qualities of some elements, material or imaginary, transforming them into ancient, authentic, original, typical, genuine, traditional, picturesque, graceful.

Nostalgia works on fragments and pieces of reality that have just been discarded and
abandoned in a desperate attempt to save them from oblivion, to establish a
semblance of reversibility from inertia, to trigger an illusory
recomposition of the rubble and ruins produced by progress: in short, to resist
“universal decadence” and the passing of time. Precisely in the mountains, to
return to our field of investigation, the looming sensation of decadence
and of the passing of time is more alive; the picturesque and the graceful, the maniacal care of
the villages and homes, the meticulously decorated architecture and
objects, the embellishment, the tradition offer a cover, a filter, a
symbolic mediation that is very important in the face of the tragedy of the
universe that implodes and collapses on itself.

2. Intermittency as an anthropological structure
2.1. Existential intermittency
Heterotopia has the power to juxtapose, in a single
real place, different spaces, different places that are
incompatible with each other. [...] Generally in a
society like ours, heterotopia and heterochrony
organize and combine in a
relatively complex way.
[Michel Foucault, Des espaces autres]


One of the most striking effects of tourism and in particular of the continuous
alternation between tourist season, i.e. high season, and non-tourist season,
i.e. low season, is existential intermittency. This translates first of all into two periods of social rarefaction and two periods of resuscitation.
One of the most dramatic and most “painful” sensations is the passage from all full to all empty.
During the high season the towns and cities are “inflated” to the point of being unbelievable with fake inhabitants, in the low season those towns and those cities are emptied, maintaining their reception facilities, often colossal, deserted like dead carcasses. As we were saying, we go from periods in which the town and all its resources are completely at the inhabitants’ disposal, to periods in which it becomes even difficult to park the car;
from periods in which the villages are deserted to periods in which they are overcrowded. In short, the valleys and their inhabitants continually oscillate between the life of an Alpine village with its own advantages and disadvantages and that of a city with just as many advantages and disadvantages.
The high season period that corresponds to the "holiday season" involves a sort of generalized loosening of social limits and territorial barriers that weaken, becoming more penetrable. This allows in some way the relationship with foreigners that would otherwise be impeded by the excessive rigidity of the rules that regulate social interaction. Even in the relationships between residents, a certain lability is manifested with respect to the usual prohibitions and this because the high season refers to a temporal extra-ordinariness typical, as we will see shortly, of the holidays.





Without prejudice to the perception of the existential resuscitation of places, it is equally
clear that in any case the guest tourists and the cultures they convey are transitory entities that leave no lasting traces since a real osmosis never occurs with them, nor any form of hybridization of mentalities, habits, etc. In this regard, the difference in relationships with "historical tourists" (regular, for example, homeowners or regulars of some reception facility) and completely occasional tourists, with whom one can have at most occasional and ephemeral contacts, is evident. In both cases, however, the impermeability of the host culture appears as an absolutely incontrovertible fact. Despite the refractoriness, at least apparent, between the two cultures, inhabitants and tourists, the continuous intermittence between working periods and periods of inactivity, generates in the lifestyles, at least of those who work with tourism in the valleys (restaurateurs, hoteliers, waiters, ski instructors, cooks, ski lift operators, rafting instructors, river park operators, shopkeepers, etc.), a sort
of habituation to precariousness and instability. It even seems that randomness and the adventure that follows are the basis of a new lifestyle.
Finally, the last aspect of existential intermittency is linked to the continuous oscillation of the reference model. Here we do not only mean, as we have already seen, the rules that regulate the relationships between inhabitants and the territory.
We refer instead to that set of representations, values, goals, shared rules that should give meaning to the lives of individuals. The continuous passage from a period of isolation to one of total opening generates a constant and sudden variation of the models, a sort of anomie, that is, a state of disorientation, of phase shift, an inability on the part of the
collective conscience of the group of residents to tune in, to adjust, to stabilize.
2.2. intermittency as an anthropological structure
To give a definition of intermittency as an anthropological structure and try to better clarify its meaning, it is appropriate to take into consideration the particular stratification of spaces and "social dimensions" constituted within the mountain territory.
Before delving into the exploration of each of these places, which, using Michel Foucault's terminology, we could define as heterotopias or heterochronies, I would like to say, still in a somewhat approximate way, that they are first and foremost social realities, different and coexisting, built by the community starting once again from the process of invention of the
mountain.
Our perception now encounters exclusively the multiple realities, in the mountain, that we ourselves have produced and built over time. These dimensions, although hardly perceived as separate and independent by the inhabitants of a place, in reality have precise boundaries that are often crossed by individuals without them even realizing it.
This is precisely the meaning of intermittence understood as a life experience and
anthropological structure; that is to say the continuous passage, the appearance
and disappearance, the coming and going of individuals, from one dimension to another, from one place to another, from one system of relations and relationships to another, from
one set of visions and representations to another, from a time of a certain type to one of another. Individuals, as we will see, spend their existences moving unconsciously through realities and spaces that are different, heterogeneous, fluid, mixed, overlapping, co-present, simultaneous.


The space of everyday life
The first of these dimensions is everyday life. It is, as is evident, closely connected with our time, with the dynamism of events, with the contradictions and problems of today, with the
transformations and dynamism that we have just described. It is characterized by the massive presence of the means of communication that penetrate the habits of individuals with information, imaginary, projects, models, more or less distressing scenarios, coming from the global village. These also allow increasingly rapid and continuous movements, from one part of the planet to another, of people, goods and capital.
We could associate this dimension with change, with transformations, with the accelerated and pressing time that has changed the appearance of the mountain, the living conditions of its inhabitants, professions, sources of sustenance, practices and trades, etc.
Within this space dominated by urbanization there are all those visions of the mountain linked for example to isolation, to social rarefaction, to depopulation, to the abandonment of villages, to respect,etc.
Moreover, many villages do not have structures capable of attracting inhabitants and
not even capable of maintaining those they have. | villages are distant from each other, some no longer have schools, there is a lack of meeting places, even bars; sometimes there are not even shops or bakeries; not to mention offices or other types of services such as the post office, the bank, the medical clinic, municipal offices, etc.
These signals on the one hand mark the transformations undergone by the valley in an
urban sense, that is, the concentration of services and structures in the valley floor centers, the internal migrations towards the lower centers, located near the traffic arteries; on the other hand, they are precisely symptoms of changes, always linked to the application of the metropolitan device, that are about to happen. Let us think for example of the abandonment of an important altimetric range of the mountain, the rapid reforestation, the loss of cultivable land, etc.
In addition to this, the space of daily life is regulated by the rules of respect. The Valley presents all the characteristic aspects of territoriality, that is, the deep bond between a community and its territory, its own village, its own mountain. Each group tends to recognize
itself with its own hamlet, with its bell tower. It presents the fundamental traits of
hyper-territoriality, that is, numerous territorial limits and boundaries both between
the various hamlets or residential nuclei, and within the villages themselves. It presents
the aspects linked to the obligation of confidentiality, that is, the interdictions erected to
protect the sacredness of the personal sphere and family intimacy. Another
typical element of the space of daily life is the strong social control that tends to pervade the lives of individuals, their choices, the way of behaving, acting and presenting themselves. The fact that everyone knows everything about everyone leads to difficulties in interaction, limitations on one's individual freedom, scruples in behavior, etc.
Still on the subject of respect and the rules that govern and protect intimacy and the personal sphere, we also remember the sacredness of some boundaries such as domestic ones, expressed through the almost maniacal care of the domestic space that becomes one with personal intimacy and the privacy of the family. This is both the obligation of confidentiality already mentioned, which entails, as we have seen, great difficulties in communication expressed through the prohibition to ask someone something for fear of
disturbing, or manifested through the difficulty of telling others about oneself; and the insurmountable limits that are erected to protect one's privacy, one's confidentiality, paradoxically precisely where, due to strong control, everyone knows everything about others. Here then, the house becomes the temple of the family, the space of stability, of immutability, the bulwark of firmness and for this reason it must always be kept
very clean, it must not get dirty, the floors, the furniture must not be ruined; in short, the house becomes a sort of treasure chest where everything is impeccable and untouchable.



The holiday village
The holiday village, on the other hand, alludes to a sort of theme park, an Alpine
“Disneyland” that hosts, for short periods, tourists from all over the world, offering them uncontaminated nature, controlled exoticism, fun, adventures, well-being and nostalgia. It is a space present simultaneously with the previous one, co-present on the same physical territory.
The first element to underline is linked to the origin of this space: it is a reality constructed, assembled, starting from the stock of images and representations of the beautiful mountain, that is to say from that set of readings of the environment that conceive it as uncontaminated, pure, original, healthy, regenerating, invigorating, welcoming, etc. This is naturally in contradiction with the space of everyday life which is instead dotted and
supported by demonic imagery.
The first characteristic of the holiday village is de-territorialization, that is, the total absence of that bond that in the space of daily life unites a certain group of individuals to a certain territory. The village is conceived in a unique, homogeneous way, without limits and prohibitions: a sort of non-place.
Inside it, one can move freely, one can reach any area with any means, use any structure or space located in the village.
As some interviewees state, there are no precise ways of appropriating the territory, there are no distinctions or limitations inside it, the valley is considered a whole, a large equipped surface available to guests, to those who want to know it and to those who want to exploit and consume it. Rather, there are areas inside it, with specific and different
functionalities, but still open and accessible to anyone who is able to reach them.


For example, there are the actual accommodation areas (hotels, campsites, bed & breakfasts, lodgings, second homes, agritur, sometimes built in separate blocks, separated from the villages) and the entertainment areas: for example the stream; the outdoor gyms, set up in the meadows of the valley floor or in the woods, where all kinds of physical exercises are practiced, preparatory training for excursions and even new sports such as tarzaning; there are areas for climbing or canyoning, that is, exploring ravines and
crevasses; there are areas for excursions with a widespread network of paths, malghe, refuges, bivouacs, specific places for sunbathing, for body care (beauty centers, wellness), mountain bike routes; there are of course also parking lots, concert areas, party areas, ski slopes, snowboarding facilities, entertainment venues, etc.
In the holiday village, and this is the second fundamental element, one lives an
intermittent time, based on seasonality, or rather on the continuous alternation
between the all-full, which coincides with the maximum activity regime, the existence of
services everywhere, forms of entertainment, leisure, cultural offerings, and the
all-empty, or rather the closure, the period of mere maintenance, of
rest, of preparation for the new tourist season.
The “museum space”.
Between the two dimensions just seen there is a third one that we define
as a museum space and that refers to a place in which the old Alpine world, long expelled
from the other two spaces, is continuously reconstructed, preserved and displayed. Here everything is accumulated and preserved, everything that refers to the Alpine past is protected, catalogued, organized and archived. It is a space in which the inhabitants of the valleys and tourists live an eternal present, protected from temporal erosion and possessed by a sort of euphoria of the origins and almost of eternity. Starting from remains and memories that are increasingly distant and vague, they build infinite miniatures of the Alpine universe.
They devoutly collect the shreds of the old agro-forestry-pastoral civilization, clean them, restore them, display them and adore them in the sacred places scattered over the territory: forges, sawmills, mills, stables, farmhouses. Particularly involving rites are celebrated thanks to which the "real mountain" of always is experienced. There is no village in which those folkloric revivals that are based on the models of theatricalization and miniaturization are not celebrated.
Let's think about the so-called traditional events, the craft fairs, the demonstrations of arts, crafts and typical products in which the craftsmen's workshops are reconstructed, the tools and instruments of the trade are shown, furnishings, objects in wood, stone, wrought iron, straw, wicker baskets and panniers, embroidery and lace, traditional clothes, spinning and weaving, wines, grappa, cheeses, bread, sweets, etc.
In addition to these elements, the museum space also contains everything that has to
do with the graceful, with decorations, embellishment, in short: the picturesque.
I am referring in particular to the extreme care for the homes, the flowers on the balconies,
the decorations, the murals usually depicting scenes of peasant life, the precision and order with which the spaces surrounding the homes are kept, the rigor with which the woodpiles are prepared for the winter, the care of the public gardens, the flowerbeds, the parks, the style of the structures scattered over the territory built strictly in wood, the care for the lawns always mowed and well-kept.

In addition to this, nature is an integral part of the museum space, especially that which is protected, for example through the establishment of naturalistic parks. Here the landscape appears extremely well-kept, we could say with a slightly sustained term, almost embalmed, immobile, eternal a bit like that of postcards. Inside, of course, the spaces are well delimited, protected in fact, also thanks to the creation of paths, trails, bridges, walkways, fences that delimit the spaces, indicate the limits, mark where you can pass and where you cannot, lead to the main attractions, to the most "popular" beauties. These limits, unlike those existing in the space of everyday life, are explicit, are continually reiterated, through the wooden signs and the posters. Not only that, even the elements and structures
are marked with captions: the paths, the mushrooms, and even the plants, the streams, the lakes, exactly as happens in the display cases of a museum.
This dimension, located on the same territory as the previous ones and simultaneously with those, is undoubtedly also a meeting space between the inhabitants of the valley and the guests of the tourist village. In particular, however, it is the valley dwellers who with great enthusiasm, accumulate, conserve, exhibit and show the objects of their past, of the old agricultural-pastoral universe, of the natural reserve. Within this dimension everything is
invariable, immutable, the world is always the same as if past and future were condensed into a single present time.
The objects placed in the appropriate structures have their own place, their own location, an ideal environment and the users of this space cannot help but observe them, contemplate them, admire them to enjoy the nostalgic effects they have on the eyes of those who have never seen them. In this space it is as if nothing ever happens, as if the transformations that have affected and are affecting the territory and in particular the space of daily life have not in the least affected this place, its culture, its traditions, its habits and lifestyles.
Probably the engine of the museum space is the fear, imaginary, of extinction, of disappearance, of annihilation by history.
We have already seen how certain groups and certain villages feel threatened by contemporaneity, feel their origins, their memories, a certain way of living and inhabiting an environment being lost in oblivion.
Today in the Valley, as in many other Alpine realities, we are fighting against change in the name of a mythical purity, authenticity and originality. In an attempt to hinder change, mixing, hybridization, a lot of energy is invested in the recovery and invention of
traditions, risking at a certain point of finding ourselves disoriented because in reality
time passes, changes occur despite the will of this or that group.
Peasant civilization had developed its own culture, knowledge, and skills that today persist despite its complete disappearance. What is missing is a contemporary vision, it is the cultural life of now, of the present.
All the inhabitants of the valley and of the everyday life space are also inhabitants of the museum space, all are very close to it, all consider the elements it contains as their own memories, their own personal heritage. In the space of everyday life, however,
a present cultural elaboration, a reflection and a justification of today is missing.

The museum space is a condensation of rituals inherent to the staging of the old
mountain of all time; it is the space in which the mechanisms are preserved
through which it is possible to revive the myth of the true mountain, keeping it
present in the memory of citizens and mountaineers. Those who pass through this
place and participate in the liturgies celebrated there have the possibility of being part
of the narration of the Alps, feeling a little more like a mountaineer.
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